Back to more than 400. In the morning, reporters observed that the former gold shop had raised its soft goods retail price to 415 per gram, up from over 380 per gram during the Spring Festival period, an increase of 35. The vice president and manager of the gold shop, Li Ying Ping, stated that the price had risen to more than 1700 U.S. dollars per ounce. During the Spring Festival, the investment bullion prices rose to 366 per gram in early trading, an increase of more than 30 blocks, but this rise diminished public investment enthusiasm. Experts Xu and teachers opined that market participants felt the current global economic outlook was worrying due to the worsening European debt and U.S. debt risks, coupled with uncertainties regarding Iran's identity on certain occasions, which would sustain higher gold prices. They advised the public to invest carefully and precisely. Tan Fei, an AFP Financial Planner, echoed similar sentiments.
Historically, Emperor Taizong led the Xuanwu Gate Incident to secure his position for succession, so upon ascending the throne, he requested the historiographer to rewrite the documentary records to ensure they portrayed him in a favorable light. This aimed to leave a good impression in historical records, allowing the emperor to freely alter narratives not aligned with his preferred concept of national history. Imperial power, though seemingly limited, operated within a framework designed to protect the existing political order by covering the kingdom's decency. Even imperial authority might be subject to such constraints, emphasizing the operational mechanism and protective principles of imperial power.
Imperial power, during its operation, often worried about missing opportunities or facing evaluations posthumously that could impact historical reputation. As the Son of Heaven, emperors were more self-conscious about their legacy. For instance, Tang Taizong frequently expressed concerns about his historical standing. Records from the Zhenguan era document the emperor learning from politicians like Liu Juan, who together practiced humility and sought to maintain stability. Despite being the Son of Heaven, emperors like Taizong valued self-respect over mere compliance and welcomed remonstrances when necessary.
Emperor Taizong's remarks carried two meanings: fear of heaven and fear of ministers (common people). To address ministerial fears, the emperor encouraged remonstrances as a means to abide by the kingdom's laws. Historian Jiayan noted that taking advice was based on the emperor's respect for fear, leading to natural limits on extraordinary actions contrary to existing criminal codes. When Taizong made fraudulent elections, Dhamma and Dali Shaoqing sentenced him to exile according to the law, ensuring the solemnity of legal delineations.
Admonitions constrained imperial power to some extent but couldn't fundamentally limit it. Admonitions safeguarded the use of imperial power, maintaining the solemnity of the kingdom's system. Emperors often regarded remonstrances from ministers as crucial checks. For example, in the sixth year of Zhenguan (632), while traveling to Luoyang, Sun loudly criticized the king's actions, predicting potential issues. Emperor Xian Zong's advisor, Li Jiang, pointed out that admonitions indeed limited imperial power effectively.
The fear of heaven and ministers served as practical constraints on imperial conduct, inducing emperors to correct governance errors. Wei Jing's foresight placed imperial power under certain limits, even affecting personal longevity, like Gaozong's deathbed wish for extended life. Repairing historical records became a significant constraint on imperial power, as ancient China valued historical documentation. Historians bore great responsibility, writing confidential memorandums and records to warn monarchs.
Emperors sought to leave a good reputation, thus acting cautiously. Historical documents contained evaluations of imperial prestige, making emperors sensitive to shame. Driven by events like the Xuanwu Gate Incident, emperors reviewed national history records, differentiating between luxury and frugality. Court advisors offered satirical state critiques, increasing the political significance of admonitions. Zhenguan's political brightness was greatly attributed to these practices.
In conclusion, no matter the track of imperial power limits, they ultimately benefited its practical use. The situation's unity aimed at using imperial power correctly rather than merely constraining it. Comparing Taizong's steady acceptance of remonstrance with Suiyang's refusal highlights the political significance of limiting imperial power. Thus, the blessing of limits depends on the situation's needs for practical imperial use.
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